Toletum / Toledo XVII
General Council of the Visigothic Kingdom in Hispania; 694
King Egica convened this council on 9 November 694 [Era 732] soon after the Council of Toledo XVI of 2 May of 693, both during his reign and his third overall (Toledo XV [688]). Toledo XVII is the last council for which we have an existing text. There is notice that another met sometime in the year 703 in the reign of Witiza, son of Egica; but there is no extant text for this council. The Toledo XVII has come down to us does not have a list of the bishops with names of their episcopal Sees. There is indication in the text that a large number did attend from Hispania and Gallia – plerique Spaniarum et Galliarum pontifices convenissemus – including numerous illustrious men – ac magnificorum virorum numerosus conventus, some of them addressed words to the king in the opening statements. We also know that they met in the Church of Leocadia in Toledo, a privileged holy place where some councils of Toledo met. The council minutes is a lengthy introductory discourse by Egica and the bishops. Only eight canons were promulgated at this council on diverse subjects. One theme in this council that stands out is Egica’s revulsion and distrust of Jews whom he accused of plotting against him personally and the kingdom.
Egica opened the council by presenting the tomus regio that set the agenda for the council, the main issue being the Jews among other concerns. Egica informed the bishops that he had news that Jews were participants in other realms in the overthrow of Christian rulers, this would be in North Africa already conquered by the Muslims. Later Muslim chroniclers will mention that Jews in Hispania collaborated with the Muslims in the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula to settle and expunge the Christian faith. This explains why Egica had such a deep dislike of the Jews whom he saw as traitors. He lashed out at them with harsh legislation against them at this council. Egica told the bishops that his motive always was to convert Jews to the Christian faith. Jews who resisted these efforts were subjected to very harsh laws, excepting those in the Narbonne because it was going through much hardship because of a plague. The anti-Jewish measures are enshrined in Canon 8, the last of this council before the closing statements. To what extent these measures were ever enforced is a matter of debate given the difficulties of geography, a fragile monarchy, and the external pressure of some bishops who did not endorse in toto these severe laws against Jews. Egica specifically issued a decree to protect the queen, and their children, should he die before them, from conspiracies against her specifically but also to protect the throne from those with ill intentions. Preceding the eight canons, the regula sanctae fidei was also professed by all present. The full Nicaean-Constantinopolitan Creed was proclaimed with the double procession of the Holy Spirit – ex Patre et Filio procedentem – that had become standard with the Filioque formula, although not used here, began to appear in the councils more frequently after 589. A summary follows of the content of the eight canons.
In Canon 1 it was decreed that the bishops would fast for three days to begin the council to discuss spiritual issues, religious customs, and especially the mystery of the Holy Trinity – mysterio sanctae Trinitatis. It was also stipulated that no secular person was to be present during these deliberations – nullo secularium assistente, it applied to laity of all ranks. The bishops wanted to emphasize that spiritual matters pertained to the Church only. Canon 2 turned to an issue regarding the baptistry and Lent. They reminded everyone that baptisms were not allowed during Lent, except in cases of extreme necessity. At the beginning of Lent the doors of the baptistry were to be sealed and were not to be opened until Thursday of the Solemnity of the Lord’s Supper – usque in Coenae Domini solemnitatem. Canon 3 continued to comment on Holy Thursday and the symbolic washing of the feet – De ablutione pedum in Coena Domini facienda. The washing was to be practiced in all parishes in all of Hispania and Gallia during Holy Thursday, it is evident that many parishes were skipping the ritual altogether. Any bishop failing to observe it was deprived of communion for two months. Canon 4 is a disciplinary one that attended to a problem that surfaced every now and then as regards the abuse of liturgical objects and ornaments of the church – chalices, patens and so on – that were profaned by having them made for the purpose of selling them or for personal use. What made the matter worse is that bishops were the offenders. Violators lost their ministry, title, and incurred perpetual excommunication, excepting on their deathbed. Any missing objects were to be restored to the Church by him or his family immediately.
Canon 5 sought to eradicate to what has to be one of the most bizarre abuses of the Mass for the Dead – missam defunctorum. It was offered for a living person to somehow hasten their death and perdition thus treating the Mass as some type of curse inducing ritual. The scandal this provoked has to be hardly stated and how pervasive it was practiced we are not told but it must have been more than an isolated abuse. It was clearly a hybrid of the legitimate Mass and pagan rituals of incantations, curses, and spells. Those guilty were sentenced to perpetual exile, excommunicated for all of their living days, although it was permitted to receive the viaticum on their deathbed. The punishment applied equally to bishops, all clergy, and any lay person who assisted in the damnable practice.
Canon 6 moved on to an entirely different topic, one that was a positive admonition intended for all of the churches in Hispania and Gallia. It was ordered that litanies were to be prayed all 12 months – De diebus letaniarum per totos XII menses celebrandis – to call for days for penance and prayer for the exaltation of the Church, the safety of the monarchy, salvation of the people, forgiveness on sin, expulsion of the Devil from people’s hearts, and increase of devotion. The bishops said this was based on the tradition of the ancient Fathers.
Canon 7 revisited a topic that had been addressed in previous councils before on the protection of the monarchy when the king had died, with particular attention to the queen, in this case Queen Cixila, wife of Egica and their children. Their person and personal property were to be protected, they could not be forced into exile, or jailed or coerced into a monastery against their will, or subjected to any physical harm. It was the duty of the bishops to guarantee their safety. Anyone caught violating these norms were condemned with a perpetual anathema, erased from the book of heaven and turned over to the Devil and his minions. This topic had previously been considered by the bishops at the Thirteenth Council of Toledo (683), Canons 4 and 5 and Third Council of Zaragoza (691), Canon 5.
The last topic in Canon 8 was the Jews, a group that Egica did not trust and greatly disdained. The first offense of the Jews that prompted the king to crack down on them was repudiation of their conversion to the Christian faith thus committing sacrilege against their baptismal vows and the sacrament itself. Egica accused them of the greater crime of treason against the kingdom and a conspiracy to overthrow the throne. No one specifically is accused or specific region named, it is a blanket accusation against all lapsed Jews. The punishment recommended was seizure of their property that was handed over to Christians, perpetual enslavement to new owners [Christians] chosen by the king, their new owners were to guarantee they would never practice the Jewish faith again, their children over the age of seven were given to Christian couples to raise them as Christians. Issuing a decree was the easy part, it is another matter to enforce effectively and uniformly as intended. Some scholars point out that Witiza, son and successor of Egica, apparently reversed many of these anti-Jewish measures with new laws or simply ignoring what his father decreed. It has been pointed out that the existence of vibrant Jewish communities on the eve of the Muslim of invasion of Hispania in 711 is evidence that Egica’s anti-Jewish measures never were substantially realized. As for alleged Jewish collaboration with the invading Muslims that continues to generate vigorous discussions.
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QQ.: Vives/Marín Martínez/Martínez Díez, Concilios Visigóticos e Hispano-Romanos, 522-537; Weckwerth, Clavis Conciliorvm, 226-227.
Lit.: Orlandis/Ramos-Lissón, Concilios de la España Romana y Visigoda, 496-507. L. A. García Moreno, Los judíos de la España Antigua. Del primer encuentro al primer repudio, Madrid 1993; R. González Salinero. Las conversiones forzosas de los judíos en el reino visigodo, Roma 2000.
Alberto Ferreiro
April 2026
Empfohlene Zitierweise:
Ferreiro, Alberto, "Toletum / Toledo XVII, General Council of the Visigothic Kingdom in Hispania; 694", in: Lexikon der Konzilien [Online-Version], April 2026; URL: http://www.konziliengeschichte.org/site/de/publikationen/lexikon/database/647.html
